A word on the Hungarian electoral system.
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A word on the Hungarian electoral system. It is similar to a Mixed Member Proportional system like here in Aotearoa, with both party votes and electoral seats. However in Hungary, unlike here and in other MMP systems, the party vote does *not* determine the final allocation of seats in Parliament, only the number of 'list' seats of which there are now 93. There are an additional 106 electoral seats with are decided on a first-past-the-post vote. These seats, often gerrymandered to suit FIDESZ, don't impact the overall party vote. There are some other aspects to the electoral system which also favour the ruling party.
To see this in action, take a look at the party vote percentage of FIDESZ versus the number of seats it won in the last four elections:
2010 - FIDESZ party vote, 52.7%, percent of seats, 68% (263 out of 386)
2014 - FIDESZ party vote, 44.9%, percent of seats, 66.8% (133 of 199)
2018 - FIDESZ party vote, 49.3%, number of seats, 67.8% (135 of 199)
2022 - FIDESZ party vote, 54.1%, number of seats, 67.8% (135 of 199)
So for the Opposition to win it has to overcome a large electoral bias in favour of FIDESZ.One further point to note. The Hungarian Constitution, since 2010, provides that any law passed with a two thirds majority can only be undone by another 2/3 majority. As shown above, FIDESZ has had a 2/3 majority since 2010. Many laws have been entrenched with this provision, such as laws governing public broadcasting, the role of the churches, public procurement rules, tax policies, the organisation of the judicial system, not to mention the electoral system itself. It will be really difficult for a party with less than a 2/3 majority to change the system FIDESZ has put in place to benefit itself.
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A word on the Hungarian electoral system. It is similar to a Mixed Member Proportional system like here in Aotearoa, with both party votes and electoral seats. However in Hungary, unlike here and in other MMP systems, the party vote does *not* determine the final allocation of seats in Parliament, only the number of 'list' seats of which there are now 93. There are an additional 106 electoral seats with are decided on a first-past-the-post vote. These seats, often gerrymandered to suit FIDESZ, don't impact the overall party vote. There are some other aspects to the electoral system which also favour the ruling party.
To see this in action, take a look at the party vote percentage of FIDESZ versus the number of seats it won in the last four elections:
2010 - FIDESZ party vote, 52.7%, percent of seats, 68% (263 out of 386)
2014 - FIDESZ party vote, 44.9%, percent of seats, 66.8% (133 of 199)
2018 - FIDESZ party vote, 49.3%, number of seats, 67.8% (135 of 199)
2022 - FIDESZ party vote, 54.1%, number of seats, 67.8% (135 of 199)
So for the Opposition to win it has to overcome a large electoral bias in favour of FIDESZ.One further point to note. The Hungarian Constitution, since 2010, provides that any law passed with a two thirds majority can only be undone by another 2/3 majority. As shown above, FIDESZ has had a 2/3 majority since 2010. Many laws have been entrenched with this provision, such as laws governing public broadcasting, the role of the churches, public procurement rules, tax policies, the organisation of the judicial system, not to mention the electoral system itself. It will be really difficult for a party with less than a 2/3 majority to change the system FIDESZ has put in place to benefit itself.
@paulhellyer Fascinating, Paul, thank you.
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